Christian Socialism In Latin America

Chavismo, the political philosophy of Hugo Chavez is christian socialism. Chavez, the Venezuelan leader, has a strong christian identity and a strong socialist belief system. The American establishment constantly harps on about Chavez being friendly with Iran. If the American establishment did not want him to be friendly with Iran then  they should not have made efforts to isolate him diplomatically and demonize him. It’s only to be expected that governments shunned by America would become buddies with eachother.

A chavista is one who supports the political ideologies of Hugo Chavez. Hugo Chavez is a tri-racial man. He is part white, part black, and part american indian. He is not a black man, although if he had been born in America he may have been considered black according to the one drop rule(the idea that to have any black blood makes one black racially). The absence of a one drop rule in Venezuela may be a reason why Chavez honors the Venezuelan liberty fighter Bolivar so much. Bolivar was a white revolutionary in Venezuela who fought for independence from Spain. Chavez calls Venezuela under his regime a Bolivarian republic because he has dedicated himself to the cause of freeing Venezuela from financial control by the USA. Chavez is an enemy of globalization.

The following is a documentary(it has english subtitles whenever spanish is spoken, it has spoken english too) done by irish film-makers who documented the attempted coup against Chavez, a coup backed by the CIA. Viva Chavez!

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5 Responses to Christian Socialism In Latin America


    Operation Zamora: 1992
    Further information: 1992 Venezuelan coup d’état attempts
    “The truth is that [El Caracazo] was a horror. People protesting in the street against neo-liberalism, against the shock programs of the International Monetary Fund, against the privatization of everything, against unemployment, hunger. And [the government] send us [army officers] to spray them with bullets in the chest. And the political leaders, the supposed democrats, talking about justice and democracy. That was no democracy. It was a dictatorship of the [two primary] parties and the elite, using the armed forces and using the media to brainwash and confuse people. Here there was never democracy.
    The members of the MBR-200 realized we had passed the point of no return and we had to take up arms. We could not continue to defend a genocidal regime.”
    In 1989, President Carlos Andrés Pérez (1922–2010) of the Democratic Action party was elected after promising to go against the United States government’s Washington Consensus and to oppose the economic cuts imposed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF). When he got into office however, he did neither of these, instead dramatically cutting social spending, putting prominent businessmen in governmental posts, and increasing the costs of energy and fuel, leading to widespread public outrage.[61][62] Attempting to stop the widespread protests that were taking place as a result of his cuts in social spending, Pérez ordered the violent repression and massacre[63] known as El Caracazo, which “according to official figures … left a balance of 276 dead, numerous injured, several disappeared and heavy material losses. However, this list was invalidated by the subsequent appearance of mass graves”, indicating an even higher death count.[64][65] Pérez had used both the DISIP political police and the army to orchestrate El Caracazo, but Chávez, who was hospitalized with chicken pox, did not take part, something that he would be grateful for.[66][67]
    Disturbed by the Caracazo, rampant government corruption, the domination of politics by the Venezuelan oligarchy, and what he called “the dictatorship of the IMF” Chávez began preparing for a military coup d’état,[68] known as Operation Zamora.[69] Initially planned for December, Chávez delayed the planned MBR-200 coup until the early twilight hours of 4 February 1992. On that date, five army units under Chávez’s command moved into urban Caracas with the mission of overwhelming key military and communications installations, including the Miraflores presidential palace, the defense ministry, La Carlota military airport and the Military Museum. Chávez’s ultimate goal was to intercept and take custody of Pérez, who was returning to Miraflores from an overseas trip. Despite years of planning however, the coup attempt soon ran into trouble. Chávez held the loyalty of less than 10% of Venezuela’s military forces,[70] and numerous betrayals, defections, errors, and other unforeseen circumstances soon left Chávez and a small group of rebels hiding in the Military Museum, without any means of conveying orders to their network of spies and collaborators spread throughout Venezuela.[71] Further, Chávez’s allies were unable to broadcast their prerecorded tapes on the national airwaves in which Chávez planned to issue a general call for a mass civilian uprising against Pérez. As the coup unfolded, the coup plotters were unable to capture Pérez, who managed to escape from them. Fourteen soldiers were killed, and fifty soldiers and some eighty civilians injured in the ensuing violence.[72][73]
    Realising that the coup had failed, Chávez gave himself up to the government. On the condition that he called upon the remaining active coup members to cease hostilities, he was allowed to appear on national television, something that he insisted on doing in his military uniform. During this address, he declared to the Venezuelan people that “Comrades: unfortunately, for now, the objectives we had set for ourselves were not achieved in the capital city. That is, those of us here in Caracas did not seize power. Where you are, you have performed very well, but now is the time for a reflect. New opportunities will arise and the country has to head definitively toward a better future.”[74]

    Chávez calls for the surrender of all forces on national television (1992)
    Many viewers noted that Chávez had remarked that he had only failed “por ahora” (for now).[75][76][77] He was immediately catapulted into the national spotlight, with many poor Venezuelans seeing him as a figure who had stood up against government corruption and kleptocracy.[75][78] As Chávez’s biographer, Brian Jones, noted, “Chávez’s appearence was a bombshell. The gallant young officer in the dashing red beret instantaneously captivated millions of people who had never heard of him and were wondering who’d led the stunning rebellion. Chávez started by invoking the sacred national icon of Simón Bolívar. Then he did something almost inconceivable in a country where seemingly everyone dodged accountability: He took responsibility for a failure”, that of the coup.[76]
    Chávez was arrested and imprisoned at the San Carlos military stockade, where he remained wracked with guilt, feeling responsible for the coup’s failure, despite his growing popular support amongst the civilian population.[79] Indeed, pro-Chávez demonstrations that took place outside of San Carlos led to him being transferred to Yare prison soon after.[80] The government meanwhile began a temporary crackdown of media supportive of Chávez and the coup, something President Pérez defended in a public statement in which he stated that “You should not forget that just four days ago my life was in danger and our democracy was on the verge of perishing.”[81] A further attempted coup against the government occurred in November, which was once more defeated,[82] and Pérez himself was impeached a year later for malfeasance and misappropriation of funds for illegal activities.[83]
    Political rise: 1992–1998
    Whilst Chávez and the other senior members of the MBR-200 were in prison, his relationship with Herma Marksman broke up in July 1993.[84] She would subsequently become “a bitter critic of Chávez, whose supporters wondered how much of her anger was stoked by their failed romance.”[85] In 1994, Rafael Caldera (1916–2009) of the centrist National Convergence Party was elected to the presidency, and soon after taking power, freed Chávez and the other imprisoned MBR-200 members as per his pre-election pledge. Caldera had however imposed upon them the condition that they would not return to the military, where they might organise another coup.[86][87] After being mobbed by adoring crowds following his release, Chávez went on a one hundred day tour of the country, promoting his Bolivarian cause of social revolution using the slogan of “The Hope is in the Streets”. During this, Chávez met with “people from the right, people from the left, people from the extreme right, people from the extreme left, apolitical people, everyone, but who in some way identified with… change.”[88] Now living off of a small military pension as well as the donations of his supporters, he continued to financially support his three children and their mother despite divorcing Nancy Colmenares around this period. On his tours around the country, he would subsequently meet Marisabel Rodríguez, who would go on to become his second wife.[89]
    “Chávez’s opponents would use the visit [to Castro] against him for years to come. They cited it as evidence he planned to impose a Cuban-style dictatorship in Venezuela… It was true Chávez admired many aspects of Castro’s revolution, including an educational system that gave Cuba a higher literacy rate than the United States and a health system that the World Health Organization cited as a model for Third World countries… But he also seemed to recognize that installing a Castro-style regime in Venezuela was impossible. Venezuelans held a deep antipathy to communism, especially after the bloody guerilla wars of the 1960s.”
    Bart Jones, Chávez’s biographer.[90]
    Travelling around Latin America in search of foreign support for his Bolivarian movement, he visited Argentina, Uruguay, Chile, Colombia, and finally Cuba, where the Marxist President Fidel Castro organised to meet him. After spending several days in one another’s company, Chávez and Castro became friends, with the former describing the Cuban President as being like a father to him. Returning to Venezuela, Chávez failed to gain mainstream media attention for his political cause, something his supporters believed was partially down to the fact that the mainstream media was owned and controlled by the wealthy oligarchy that Chávez himself was so opposed to. Instead, he gained publicity from small, local-based newspapers and media outlets, travelling around Venezuela in order to do so.[91] As a part of his condemnation of the ruling class, Chávez became critical of President Caldera, whose policies had caused economic inflation, and who had both suspended constitutional guarantees and arrested a variety of Chávez’s supporters.[92] A debate soon developed in the Bolivarian movement as to whether it should try to take power in democratic elections or whether it should instead continue to believe that direct military action was the only effective way of bringing about political change in Venezuela. Chávez was a keen proponent of the latter view, believing that the oligarchy would never allow him and his supporters to win an election,[93] whilst Francisco Arias Cárdenas instead insisted that they take part in elections. Cárdenas himself proved his point when, after joining the Radical Cause socialist party, he won the December 1995 election to become governor of the oil-rich Zulia State.[94] Subsequently changing his opinion on the issue, Chávez and his supporters in the Bolivarian movement decided to found their own political party, the Fifth Republic Movement (MVR—Movimiento Quinta República) in July 1997 in order to support Chávez’s candidature in the Venezuelan presidential election, 1998.[95][96]

  2. Hugo Chavez is not black because the one drop rule does not apply in Latin America. Here is a list of traditional racial classifications in Latin America. A person who was part black but mixed with other races was not considered black.

    Here is the list:

    Mestizo: Spanish father and Indian mother
    Castizo: Spanish father and Mestizo mother
    Espomolo: Spanish mother and Castizo father
    Mulatto: Spanish and black African
    Moor: Spanish and Mulatto
    Albino: Spanish father and Moor mother
    Throwback: Spanish father and Albino mother
    Wolf: Throwback father and Indian mother
    Zambiago: Wolf father and Indian mother
    Cambujo: Zambiago father and Indian mother
    Alvarazado: Cambujo father and Mulatto mother
    Borquino: Alvarazado father and Mulatto mother
    Coyote: Borquino father and Mulatto mother
    Chamizo: Coyote father and Mulatto mother
    Coyote-Mestizo: Cahmizo father and Mestizo mother
    Ahi Tan Estas: Coyote-Mestizo father and Mulatto mother

  3. janoklark says:

    Chavez had the cajones to say no to the US/Jewish petrodollar, i.e., he sells oil for currency other than the USD. In those days, that meant risking being bombed by the US.

    If we rewind, all countries not supporting the petrodollar were put on a “axis of evil” hit list by George Bush and this lasted until just this January. China has now joined this group of countries that will not trade oil in dollars, and the petrodollar will certainly die (if it isn’t dead already). I’d guess the USD will be severely harmed or totally collapsed by December, 2012.

    It’s easy to see how China had the gall to say no. But Chavez being the leader of a relatively small country and being ahead of other countries had big cajones to do what he did.

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